The Sky Road (Fall Revolution, Book 4)

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Uncreative Jul 17 This is a great series. Thanks for putting it up! Bar humbug: the new shape of work. Pete Wright describes his experience of one job in his career as a precarious bar worker Comments 3. No more Missouri compromises - John Garvey. Info The libcom library contains nearly 20, articles.

Stolen Child

Log in for more features Click here to register now. Mediterranean meeting. The Road to Freedom. Fighting war. Near Moscow and Leningrad, in the districts of northwest and central Russia, peasants had adequate opportunities to leave the village or acquire additional earnings in the cities and at construction sites. In consumption regions, the government implemented its goals by allowing peasants to leave for construction projects and life in the cities. But this sheds no light on the role played by violence during the collectivization and industrialization of the USSR, the extraordinary scope of which made it possible to set in place an extensive directed economy in less than a decade.

Because of the violence, traces of pluralism were apparent in the economy and elsewhere in social life only on a scattered basis. This represented a visible change over the s, when violence was extensive but not omnipresent. The high point of violence in villages came in —33, when it brought extensive famine to areas producing grain for the market. The famine is said to have impacted up to 70 million people, but estimates of the victim numbers differ. Most authors who have researched the tragedy say there were somewhere between 4 million and 8 million casualties.

The regime tried to conceal both the extent and the very existence of the famine. We may therefore only note that the estimates of victim numbers do not really paint the picture of the monstrous nature of the event and its underlying causes. The key cause of the extraordinary violence and casualties was not collectivization itself so much as it was the efforts we have noted by Stalin and his circle to acquire grain and other agricultural produce in amounts sufficient to implement exorbitant plans for industrialization.

The danger of these plans collapsing was real. In fighting to implement them, Stalin and his associates were also fighting for their own political lives. This was probably a vital motivation for Stalin and his supporters to ruthlessly plunder Ukraine and Russian villages between — Victims of the new famine were much worse off than their predecessors in —22 had been, but the fact that Stalin and his circle concealed the famine effectively blocked domestic and foreign aid for the victims. We have already spoken of the fact that a totalitarian society arose in the USSR that in no way eliminated or moderated the level of oppression, but rather made it into a permanent fixture.

Today, we may question the statements of historians that the regime managed to completely conceal the —33 famine.

The Soviet leadership did manage to suppress news about it and limit the circulation of both private and official correspondence that carried information about it. It was successful in keeping the information from spreading abroad, and it managed to conceal it as well from people who lived in regions hundreds or thousands of kilometres distant from the famine.

But it could not hide the knowledge from those who lived in the affected regions and those who lived in neighbouring regions.

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Nor could it keep the information away from a broader group of functionaries in the governing party and state institutions, nor enforcement officers or soldiers deployed in these areas, nor the thousands of activists involved with the kolkhoz collectives and purchasing. We must therefore modify our current ideas about the degree to which the famine was concealed.

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The regime could not have prevented a relatively broad circle of party members and functionaries, and a wide swath of the citizenry, from knowledge of it, nor keep them from discussing its causes and noting its consequences. The political repercussions were severe. At the time the famine occurred, the conflict between Stalin, Rykov, and Bukharin over how the first five-year plan was to be conceptualized was still an urgent issue.

Clear proof was a group that arose in around Sergei I. The way Stalin developed his policy of repression testifies to the situation at the time.

The Sky Road - Ken MacLeod - Google книги

The first in this series of rebellions was that of Martemjan N. Most were sentenced to imprisonment for various terms. Three other high-level party functionaries were also denounced: Alexandr P. The lively discussion these moves provoked at prominent Moscow universities made clear that what was involved was more than just isolated cases.

What is of consequence is how badly shaken Stalin and his circle were, and that they lost faith that the party would support them, or that mid-level members of the party intelligentsia who had come on board after the revolution would do so. The chasm that stood between Stalin and these party members was filled with the bodies of the millions who had died during the famine, and it could not be erased by punishing rebelling groups or individuals. The death of millions in the famine was not a misdemeanour; Stalin and those around him likely lost faith it would be forgotten and forgiven once time had passed.

His focal point became manifestations of internal party disagreements with his policies. Although he continued to hold Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev, as well as Rykov and Bukharin, responsible for the rebellion, he now interpreted efforts to remove him as terrorist acts. This shift in ideology must be explored in the context of the modern Russian political tradition, which treated the assassination of government officials as an accepted fact.

Party leaders initially backed away from the notion, probably in fear for their own lives, and thus, in late , Stalin was not able to get capital punishment approved for party members. Expulsion from the party should not be underestimated as a punishment, because once expelled, former party members were no longer protected from the OGPU. These purges therefore became an important step on the road to the tragedy of the late s. A profound issue came into being as part of this. The party was dominated by a restricted group of functionaries who knew each other.

They were used to organizing, they had contacts within the party, and they had their own hierarchy of political authority comprising the formerly popular party leaders. In , they were joined by a large number of educated functionaries of the middle-aged generation who had already begun working in high-level posts within the party and the state apparatus, and in the press and social science institutions.

During the —33 party purge, party secretaries in a number of republics and regions were ousted, likely because Stalin wished to prevent any political force capable of endangering his leadership from forming. In a letter to Molotov and Kaganovich, frequently cited in the literature, Stalin and Zhdanov stated the acts of repression had come four years too late, making reference to But in allowing party members to be imprisoned commonly for political offenses, the door to severe punishments had already been opened. Wolter, , p.

Also Pravda , As of 1. Pojezdka I. Dokumenty i materialy. The Allies and particularly the government of Great Britain provided support exclusively to Germany, thereby opening the path to its re-militarization and the Munich Agreement see later.

Stalin, Na chlebnom frontie, in: Stalin , Sochinenija 11, 86—87 a 88— Although today these claims made by Stalin may be criticized with justification, it cannot be overlooked that the USSR and Europe were only 10—12 years away from World War II, the same time as had elapsed from the revolution of Afanasjev , Moscow, Politizdat , p. He acted without informing Stalin and the members of Politburo. In St. II, p. Politics and Workers, — Cambridge , p. Khlevniuk O. Stalina V. Was there a moment in the book that particularly moved you?

About This Item

The end of the book was a very fitting conclusion to the series. By: Ken Macleod. Narrated by: Lucy Paterson. Series: Fall Revolution , Book 4.

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Length: 11 hrs and 59 mins. Publisher's Summary Centuries after the catastrophic Deliverance, humanity is again reaching into space. What members say Average Customer Ratings Overall.

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